Naga peace Talks

Peace talks at its climax

The talk on the Greater Nagalim issue seems to enter its final phase. The state government demands to bring a ‘conclusion’ before the Assembly elections which is schedule early next year and the Centre says, ‘we are on the track’.

The fifteen (15) year old ‘peace talks’ with the Union Government and National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah) NSCN-IM has reached its climax and the negotiation seems to stick strictly on the demand of the settlement of greater Nagalim issue.

Naga insurgents have been fighting for an independent Nagaland for over six decades.  It entered into a ceasefire in August 1997. Later NSCN-IM demanded a "Greater Nagaland" by slicing off parts of neighbouring Assam, Manipur, Arunachal Pradesh and Burma (now Myanmar) to unite 1.2 million Nagas. Several rounds of talks with the Union Government since 1997 have failed to provide a solution to end the Indo-Naga struggle. The emergence of NSCN factions has only added to the complications in finding a solution.

On October the 16^th , a delegation of top Naga leaders led by Nagaland Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio met Union Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde in New Delhi and reiterated their demand for a permanent solution to the problem of insurgency in the State before the Assembly elections due early next year.

Urging Mr.Shinde to speed up the ongoing peace talks with the NSCN-IM), the 19 Nagaland MLAs told him that the "peace-loving people" of the northeastern State wanted this six-decade-old problem of militancy to end soon. They said that if the Centre failed to reach a solution before the end of the current term of the 60-member Assembly on March 26, 2013, it would shatter the fragile peace in the northeast.

Notably, the Naga leaders want the Centre to sign a pact with the NSCN (IM) before the polls so that the rebel leaders can also take part in the elections.

Union Home Minister Mr.Shinde said that he was hopeful of an early settlement of the Naga problem, and was in touch with the Chief Ministers of Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh on the issue.

In the meantime, reacting to the union home minister Sushilkumar Shinde’s request to help out in bringing about a solution to these issues, Manipur Chief Minister Okram Ibobi Singh has said that he was not in a position to oblige since the details of the points of agreement between the government of India and the NSCN (I-M) is not known to us.  It may be mentioned that demand for ‘Naga integration’ is being strongly opposed by all three states-Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh.

Ibobi Singh meets Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde on October the 19^th and discusses the peace talks with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN-IM). His visit comes a day after the Manipur cabinet formed a four-member cabinet sub-committee to monitor developments in the Naga peace dialogue after Shinde hinted that a pact with the NSCN-IM was likely before March.

The committee headed by Ibobi also has Home Minister G. Gaikhangam, Revenue Minister Th Debendra and Health and Family Welfare Minister Phungzathang Tonsing.

Meanwhile, the United Committee of Manipur (UCM) threatened to launch a mass campaign in case the state and central governments acted in a manner that adversely affected the people of Manipur. The UCM is a rights group in Manipur which came into the limelight during the 2001 violence against the extension of the jurisdiction of the ceasefire with the NSCN-IM.

On the other hand, since the United Naga Council of Manipur insisted that alternative arrangement be outside the realm of Manipur, Ibobi may have to negotiate the contours of the agreement.

In this regard, the Union Government would have to hold serious talks with both Manipur and the NSCN (I-M). Ibobi has been placed in a difficult position as he would be damned either way. However, he has made it clear that Manipur government wished that an amicable solution was worked out between the government of India and the NSCN (I-M).

The UPA government including the opposition led by the BJP and its constituents are supportive of an early solution.

After signing of the cease fire agreement signed in 1977 between the government of India and NSCN (I-M) , 50 rounds of talks were held to end the longest insurgency in South Asia that has killed several thousand people since the fifties. During earlier talks, the NSCN (I-M) had proposed a special federal arrangement to enable the Nagas self-governance, but the negotiations ended inconclusively.

Kuki Inpis appeal:

Kuki Inpis has once again appealed to the Government of India to first settle what it described as crimes committed by NSCN (I-M) on Kuki communities prior to signing any agreement with the group.

According to a statement purportedly issued by Kuki Inpis, they have said that settlement must be acceptable to all the indigenous people living with the Kukis on the principles of democratic norms.

Stating that Kukis had submitted two memoranda on October the 17^th to the President and the Prime Minister, Kukis reiterated that any agreement between the government of India and NSCN (I-M) that did not consider “the voice of the victims” would never be accepted.

They also warned that such an agreement might even be taken as a seed sown to start civil war to annihilate innocent indigenous people of the region.

Stating that the voice of the loyal citizens must be heard as per the law of the nation, Inpis reminded that over 60 memoranda were submitted for the settlement of the “crimes committed by NSCN (I-M)”.

Kuki Inpis claimed that NSCN (I-M) have murdered 900 Indian Kukis including women, children and the aged besides uprooting 360 villages and displacing 100,000 Kukis, having no place to settle.

Alternative arrangement-

On October the 20^th, Union Home Minister Shushil Kumar Shinde presented the six point draft proposal to Chief Minister O Ibobi at Manipur Bhawan. The six point draft proposal pertains to the settlement which is reported to be close at hand after a prolonged political dialogue between the Centre and the NSCN (IM). Though nothing official has come out as yet, sources from the Home Ministry said that some of the probable alternatives for working out a settlement could hinge around ‘more autonomy’, ‘amendment of the Indian Consti- tution,’ and ‘areas to be administered under the 6th Schedule of the Constitution’.

According to Union Home Ministry sources, a draft proposal has been prepared and the same has been placed before the Chief Minister of Assam Tarun Gogoi, Mani-pur Chief Minister Okram Ibobi and Arunachal Pradesh Chief Minister Nabam Tuki.

The final approval or rather the stamp of agreement by the Chief Ministers of the three States will be the key to the solution being sought.

In 2001 when the ‘without territorial limits’ clause was inserted in the peace talk, the Government of Manipur was not consulted. Nine years later, in 2010, the State Government too was not consulted, when the Centre gave the go ahead signal to the proposal that Th Muivah visit his birth place at Somdal.

It is only this time that the Chief Minister has been taken into confidence. The entire NE region especially Manipur, Arunachal, Assam could be the venue of ever lasting peace (however exotic it might sound) or a battle ground of volatile incidents depending on the outcome of ‘peace talks’ between the government of India and NSCN-IM. It is hoped that the outcome of the outcome of the talks would be acceptable to all the parties who have a stake in it.

Irom Sharmila

The Time of the Heroine

The negligence of the Government, at the Centre and at the State, and the severest misuse of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act by the Army  is the reason why Irom Sharmila is ‘still’ confined in a prison, seeking ‘justice’ and basic constitutional rights since the last 12 years. On the other hand, the ‘extremity’ of the insurgent groups strengthens the dimension of why this Black Law will continue to harm the state. 

On 2^nd November 2012, Irom Chanu Sharmila, a civil rights and political activist has completed twelve years of hunger strike demanding the repeal of the so called ‘draconian and archaic black Law’ ,the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 from the region. Irom Sharmila began her protest, a day after the infamous Malom (a town in the Imphal Valley of Manipur) massacre on 2^nd November 2000. In this massacre, ten civilians including a 62-year old woman and a 1988 National Child Bravery Award winner were allegedly shot and killed by the Assam Rifles, one of the Indian Paramilitary forces operating in the state, while waiting at a bus stop. Sharmila had been arrested under section 309 of IPC which punishes attempted suicide by a one-year imprisonment. She is released every year to be arrested again. Sharmila turned down many requests to end her fast and expressed her firmness to continue her fast till the Act is repealed. Recently, she declared  that no awards will be accepted by her till her demands are met. She has been awarded with many laurels for her nonviolent contribution towards the human rights movement in Northeast region including the Gwangju Prize for Human Rights in2007, which is given to "an outstanding person or group, active in the promotion and advocacy of Peace, Democracy and Human Rights" by South-Korea based organization.

Manipur and AFSPA:

Manipur was declared a ‘disturbed area’ in 1980 and the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 was imposed. There are allegations of the special powers under the Act being misused by the members of the armed forces. Several civil society organizations have been demanding the repeal of the Act. This infamous Act provides special powers to arrest, detain and shoot-at-sight on ‘suspicion’. The power to search and destroy properties on mere suspicion has been granted to the Armed Forces of the Union in the 'disturbed areas' of the North East and later extended to Kashmir in 1990. Where ever AFSPA is in operation, enforced disappearances, extra-judicial killings, torture, rape and arbitrary detention have been routinely reported. In 1958 when the Union Home Minster introduced the law in the Parliament, he assured that the Act will be in operation for only 6 months. But it has dragged on for more than 52 years now!

Due to this conflict, more than 50,000 people have been killed since independence and a large number have also been displaced. The archaic draconian and black law, which was used by British to suppress the Indian freedom movement, Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) adds more woes to the people of this region. In the name of suppressing insurgents, army officials have often been observed misusing their powers and hence, targeted the civilians.

One of the most brutal incidents in Manipur was the alleged rape and murder of a lady, Thangjam Manorama Devi by the armed forces in 2004. It triggered widespread agitations, including a nude demonstration by a dozen women in the heart of Imphal city to register against this Act.

The Union Government set up a five-member committee in 2004 under the Chairmanship of Justice BP Jeevan Reddy, former Judge of the Supreme Court of India. The committee submitted its report in 2005, and it sought to balance the views of the armed forces and different sections of the people. The report recommended repeal of the Act, while strengthening the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act that applies to the rest of the country. But it’s still the same ‘old story’-of protest, hope and negligence.

Insurgents:

At the beginning, the ideology of different insurgent groups was to attain the ‘independent status’ of the state once again. For example, The United Nations Liberation Front (UNLF), one of the oldest separatist groups which came into existence around 1964 operates with the primary objective of the restoration of the pre-merger status of Manipur. In 1978, the Revolutionary People’s Front (RPF) was established and its founding principle was to organise a revolutionary front of the North-East region and the liberation of Manipur. Kanglei Yawol Kanba Lup (KYKL) was established around 1994. It focuses primarily on what it considers cleansing Manipuri society, and is known for its moral policing activities. And there were some other groups whose agenda is to restore the pre-merger status of the state.

But today, though the ‘ideology’ remains the same, there is a general feeling that their acts seem to betray their “original intentions”. Some are of the opinion that they run a ‘parallel government’, often issuing diktats to the public.  Each of the armed groups has its own state apparatus. They levy taxes, define rules and have the means to enforce them. There are allegations that August 2006 attack at ISKCON was the work of an insurgent organization.

If it is judged by the reports published in the newspapers, then the state Manipur can be termed as “anarchic”.

Though twelve years have lapsed since she started her hunger protest, nothing seems to have changed much. Irrespective of their locus of loyalty, the killers continue to kill and the killed continue to die with no end to the violence in sight. The State continues to be the theatre of show of power and authority which flows from the barrel of the gun with innocent lives caught in the crossfire. Justice and accountability is not seen, with no hope for redressal of grievances of those who have suffered. Innocent people continue to be hunted and it does not matter who is the hunter but they all have one thing in common: they all wield guns!

1962- India-China War

Down the Memory Lane

50 years of Indo -China War

The ‘uprising’ in Tibet and the consequent heading of Dalai Lama to India  in March 1959 had introduced fresh complexities and misunderstandings between the two countries.

Fifty years is a long time in the life of a man and it is even longer if one has to wait to ensure that one’s contribution to the nation is duly acknowledged. In this case, it is the soldiers who fought the 1962 Indo-China war. After 50 years and for the first time, the country’s defence establishment, led by Defence Minister A.K. Antony, paid homage to those who fought the 1962 war with China and sacrificed their lives. During the war, more than 3,000 Indian soldiers had laid down their lives.

‘The War’ that was:

Asian giants, India and China lived as good neighbours for centuries. Ideological differences apart, the ‘Hindi-Chini Bhai Bhai’ syndrome held sway till about the late 50’s, when signs of discord started showing up. In 1957, China linked Tibet with the mainland through the Aksai Chin Road across Ladakh and laid claim over large areas of Indian Territory in Ladakh and the erstwhile North East Frontier Agency (NEFA).

The uprising in Tibet and the consequent heading of Dalai Lama to India, while in exile in March 1959 introduced fresh complexities and misunderstanding between the two countries. There had been a series of violent border incidents. The main cause of the war was a dispute over the sovereignty of the widely separated Aksai Chin and Arunachal Pradesh border regions. Aksai Chin, claimed by India to belong to Kashmir and by China to be part of Xinjiang, contains an important road link that connects the Chinese regions of Tibet and Xinjiang.

In the meantime, India initiated a Forward Policy in which it placed outposts along the border, including north of the McMahon Line (the eastern portion of a Line of Actual Control proclaimed by Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai in 1959). Unable to reach political accommodation on disputed territory along the 3,225-kilometer-long Himalayan border, the Chinese launched simultaneous offensives in Ladakh and across the McMahon Line on 20 October 1962. Chinese troops advanced over Indian forces in both theatres, capturing Rezang la in Chushul in the western theatre, as well as Tawang in the eastern theatre.

North East frontier in flames:

 Though, the shooting incidents between the two troops had started frequently in Ladakh, the border in eastern sector had so far remained comparatively free from trouble. Except for some small incidents, the eastern sector area remained quiet. In August 1962, however, the Chinese disturbed that ‘quietness’ when they crossed the border and occupied the Thang La Ridge ( in NEFA). It was followed by the occupation of Indian Post Dhola on 8^th September 1962 and firing on the post on 20th September.

Since the military control of Tseng- Jong by the Chinese on 10^th October, there were continuous reports of their gird, particularly on the Thang La Sector and subsequently, Indian troops had to withdraw from Tseng Jong.

After some ‘small’ incidents, on 20^th October, 1962, a massive pre planned Chinese attack simultaneously in the Namkha Chu Sector and other frontier divisions of North Eastern Frontier Agency (NEFA) as well in Ladakh took place.

The incursion of Chinese into the Kameng Frontier division and their attacks on the Dhole Post south of the river Namkha Chu signified that they not only violated the international border aggressively and attacked Indian troop in this sector as well, but they had also militarily occupied the Thang La Ridge south of Mc Mohan Line in order to substantiate their claim on NEFA.

On the other hand, India publicly declared that any intrusion by  the Chinese into Indian Territory across the Mc Mahan Line would not be tolerated. After a series of High level talks in the Defence Ministry, it announced that the Chinese must be evicted from south of Thang La Ridge immediately and by force, if necessary.

In the Kameng Frontier Division, the first onslaught of the Chinese was taken in the Tawang area. In this frontier, due to number of maladies with which political and military set up in the country suffered, and due to some crucial errors of commission and omission  made by the army down to then level of field commanders, the troops didn’t performed creditably. The army was not given firm objective. Tawang was declared the divisional vital ground, but there were not sufficient troops to defend it. And hence, it was abandoned.

The Sino-Indian War is notable for the harsh conditions under which much of the fighting took place, entailing large-scale combat at altitudes of over 4,250 metres (14,000 feet). Despite being pushed back Indian soldiers fought bravely and laid down hundreds of lives to protect their motherland from foreign invasion. The war ended when the Chinese declared a ceasefire on 20 November 1962, and simultaneously announced its withdrawal from the disputed area. The Sino-Indian War was also noted for the non-deployment of the navy or air force by either the Chinese or Indian side.

Indo-China border road strategies-Then and now:

 The 1,080 km border with China across the state of Arunachal Pradesh is still disputed. China also claims 90,000 square kms of territory in the northeast; which includes the entire state of Arunachal Pradesh.  Responding to the urgent need to build strategic roads along the India-China border, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh announced a package of Rs. 24,000 crore in 2009 for building the 1,500 kms Trans-Arunachal Pradesh highway. The Ministry of Home (MHA) also sanctioned Rs.1, 934 crore on 4 June 2012 for strategic road projects of about 804 kms in order to support the operational movement of the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) along the India-China border, both in the eastern and the western sector. This includes the territory from the Karakoram Pass in Ladakh to Jachep La in Arunachal Pradesh covering about 3,488 kms of border. The task of building these roads have been given to the Border Roads Organisation (BRO), the Central Public Works Department (CPWD), and the National Projects Construction Corporation.

‘Lesson drawn from the war’ and 50^th anniversary-

 This year, the Union Government had officially observed and paid homage to the ‘brave’ soldiers who fought in the 1962 War. On this occasion, Union Defence Minister Mr.A.K Antony ruled out any possibility of China repeating 1962, asserting that the present day India is now fully capable of defending itself. The country did not focus on enhancing the infrastructure in the north-east, but has substantially improved its assets and manpower now, he noted. India would continue to develop infrastructure and provide best equipment to the armed forces while continuing dialogues with China on the border issue and maintaining cordial relations with that country, he said.

 Speaking to media persons, he said, “I would like to assure the nation that the India of today is not the India of 1962. Over the years, successive governments, learning lessons from the past, have strengthened our capabilities and modernised our armed forces... we are confident that the armed forces will be able to protect the border in event of any threat.”  India was holding dialogue with China to find a solution to the long-pending border dispute and had established a mechanism to “immediately settle’’ any tensions on the border.

In Arunachal Pradesh, Chief Minister Nabam Tuki paid rich tributes to the martyrs. On this occasion, the Chief Minister stated “Fifty years ago, on October 20, 1962, China attacked India through Arunachal Pradesh. The war was brief but took away lives of hundreds of our brave soldiers. We as Indians and proud Arunachalees let’s remember and pay our tributes to the martyrs as for their supreme sacrifice we are what we are and where we are today”.

Saluting the martyrs, the Chief Minister, meanwhile, reiterated that Arunachal Pradesh is an integral part of India and that its citizens are very proud Indians.

No relief in relief camps

Lakhs of people were forced to stay in the so-called ‘relief camps’, which sprang up after the ferocious violence that erupted in the four districts of lower Assam, located within the Bodoland Territorial Administrative District and the three rounds of floods this year. However, the unhygienic conditions in the relief camps have affected the lives of the people very badly.

Months have passed but lakhs of people are still taking shelter in ‘relief camps’ located in the four districts of Lower Assam (Kokrajhar, Dhubri, Chirang and Bongaigaon) and in the flood-hit districts. The recent third round of floods this year , have affected over 17.60 lakh people in 16  districts and about four lakh of them are in relief camps.

In the first wave of floods which occurred in June-July, 122 lives were claimed and it affected over 22 lakh people. In Majuli (Jorhat district), 1.65 lakh people were affected as flood water from the river Brahmaputra submerged nearly 90 per cent of the island’s total area. In the world famous Kaziranga National Park, most of the low lying areas had been submerged.

As per news reports, a section of the more than six lakh people who fled to nearly 350 camps (because of the riots) have apparently managed to return home. But close to 40 per cent of them are still in camps, having lost their houses and assets to arson and looting, or held back by the land verification process initiated by the State government and the Bodoland Territorial Council, or simply too frightened to return to villages in areas dominated by the other communities involved in the violence.

In these relief camps, children and women are the worst hit. The conditions into which they have been forced to seek asylum are equally unbearable. These shelter homes are impossibly crowded with the mere minimum of basic amenities like water and sanitation and practically no medical care. . According to a report, thousands of pregnant women who stayed in these camps have no gynaecologist to look after them and people are dying of malaria and diarrhoea.

 ‘Nutrition factor’ is also a problem, with official food relief essentially restricted mainly to rice and dal. While the availability of milk and nutritious supplements for children varies from camp to camp, there is no evidence anywhere of educational services. Since most camps are housed in schools and colleges, local students cannot study.

However, local schools are belatedly beginning to reopen but they are unlikely to be able to accommodate all the displaced children, especially from densely populated camps. Clothes are also in short supply, with most people having fled homes in panic.

To make matters worse; the late September rains have degraded the situation in several camps. No one seems to know if and when the nearly two lakh people still living in camps will be able to return to their villages or provided with decent temporary accommodation elsewhere.

Considering the health hazards posed by such living conditions, it is encouraging to learn that delivery of public health services is fairly regular and on the whole satisfactory.

 Another dimension of the conflict situation is the suffering of women in the relief camps. Ridden by the ‘dreams’ that have collapsed and ‘thought’ that is penetrated by the past, women in the camps find themselves suddenly alone, heading their households at a time when they are least prepared, when their whole life has been turned upside down. They silently bear the grief of losing a family member, the trauma of displacement and the challenge of survival in their new environment.

Till the last reports came in, Government officials have claimed that the inmates of the relief camp who possess land documents would be rehabilitated soon. For the remaining 42,000-odd inmates, who do not possess land documents, the State Government and the Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC) authorities would soon decide on the process of verification of alternative documents and start their rehabilitation accordingly.

Though the heat and dust generated by the violence and floods has settled down, the consequences have left everyone grappling for solutions. The violence has left a deep scar in the minds of those affected by it. And as if to add insult to injury, nature has played its part rather perfectly to ensure that the impact of the twin incidents is painful and  unending.